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Enda Kenny Biography
Irish politician who became the Prime Minister of Ireland in 2011. He was also the Minister of Tourism and Trade from 1994 to 1997.
He was a primary school teacher. He attended school in Galway and Dublin.
He was elected to the Dáil at the age of 24. He is a Labor Party member.
He married Dublinar Fionnuala O’Kelly in 1992 and they have three children.
He had a bilateral meeting with U.S. President Barack Obama in Dublin, Ireland in 2011.
Kenny has climbed Mount Kilimanjaro and completed the Ring of Kerry Charity Cycle. He is a keen supporter of his native Mayo GAA football team, and played Gaelic football for his local club, Islandeady, of which he is the current club president. His father Henry, won an All-Ireland medal with the county team in 1936. His grandfather was a lighthouse keeper.
Kenny was born in 1951 in Derrycoosh, Islandeady, near Castlebar, County Mayo, the third child of five of Mary Eithne (McGinley) and Henry Kenny. He was educated locally at St Patrick’s National School, Cornanool N.S, Leitir N.S and at St. Gerald’s College, Castlebar. He attended St Patrick’s College, Dublin, qualifying as a national teacher and was an undergraduate student at University College Galway. He worked as a primary school teacher for four years.
Enda Kenny (born 24 April 1951) is an Irish former Fine Gael politician who served as Taoiseach from 2011 to 2017, Leader of Fine Gael from 2002 to 2017, Minister for Defence from May 2014 to July 2014 and 2016 to 2017, Leader of the Opposition from 2002 to 2011, Minister for Tourism and Trade from 1994 to 1997 and Minister of State for Youth Affairs from 1986 to 1987. He served as Teachta Dála (TD) for Mayo West from 1975 to 1997 and for Mayo from 1997 to 2020.
Kenny was exposed to politics from an early age, following his father Henry Kenny, becoming a Fine Gael TD in 1954. In the early 1970s, he became directly involved in politics when he started helping his father with constituency clinics. In 1975, Henry Kenny (who was at this stage a Parliamentary Secretary in the government) died after a short battle with cancer. Fine Gael wanted one of his sons to stand as their candidate at the subsequent by-election, and so Enda Kenny was chosen. He was elected on the first count with 52% of the vote, and thus became the youngest member of the 20th Dáil, aged 24.
Kenny remained on the backbenches for almost a decade. He was appointed party spokesperson firstly on Youth Affairs and Sport, then Western Development; however, he failed to build a national profile as he concentrated more on constituency matters. Kenny was left out in the cold when Garret FitzGerald became Taoiseach for the first time in 1981, and again in 1982. He was, however, appointed as a member of the Fine Gael delegation at the New Ireland Forum in 1983. He later served on the British-Irish Parliamentary Association. In 1986, he became a Minister of State at the Departments of Education and Labour. Fine Gael lost the 1987 general election, resulting in Kenny and Fine Gael being on the opposition benches for the next seven years. In spite of this, his national profile was raised as he served in a number of positions on the party’s front bench, including Education, Arts, Heritage, Gaeltacht, and the Islands. He was also the Fine Gael Chief Whip for a short period.
Kenny, however, refused to participate in the three-way leaders’ debate proposed by TV3, stating his unhappiness that Vincent Browne was to chair the debate. Browne is a well-known critic of Fine Gael and Kenny. In 1982, Browne appeared on The Late Late Show where he poured scorn on Kenny, claiming he was “purporting” to be a TD. In October 2010, Browne was forced to make a public apology to Kenny after jokingly asking whether Fine Gael was requesting that he go into a darkroom with a gun and a bottle of whisky. This was in reference to Fine Gael’s position in the polls, where they were in second place to Labour, and a previous leadership challenge to Kenny by Richard Bruton. Kenny refused to appear on the leaders debate despite an offer by Browne to be replaced by a different moderator for the debate if Kenny would appear.
On the quoting of then Cardinal Ratzinger, the response notes that the quotation was taken from the Instruction on the Ecclesial Vocation of the Theologian, otherwise known as Donum Veritatis (The Gift of the Truth), published by the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith on 24 May 1990, and signed by the then Prefect and Secretary of the Congregation. Therefore, it is not a private text of the then Cardinal Ratzinger but an official document of the Congregation.
Kenny has been married to Fionnuala O’Kelly since 1992. She has been described by the media as his “secret weapon”. O’Kelly is a first cousin to sitting Fine Gael MEP Seán Kelly, who also served as a President of the Gaelic Athletic Association (GAA). The O’Kelly family originally come from the parish of Kilcummin near Killarney, County Kerry. The couple have three children: one daughter, Aoibhinn, and two sons, Ferdia and Naoise. The couple met in Leinster House, where O’Kelly worked as a press officer for Fianna Fáil. She later worked with Raidió Teilifís Éireann (RTÉ).
In late 1994, the Fianna Fáil–Labour Party government collapsed; however, no general election was called. Instead, a Fine Gael–Labour Party–Democratic Left “Rainbow Coalition” came to power. Kenny, as Fine Gael chief whip, was a key member of the team, which negotiated the programme for government with the other parties prior to the formation of the new government. Under Taoiseach John Bruton, Kenny joined the cabinet and was appointed Minister for Tourism and Trade. During his tenure as Minister, Ireland saw a significant growth in the tourism sector and in its international trade position. As Minister, he chaired the European Union Council of Trade Ministers, during Ireland’s six-month Presidency of the European Council, as well as co-chairing a round of the World Trade Organization talks in 1996. Among Kenny’s other achievements were the rejuvenation of the Saint Patrick’s Day parade in Dublin, and the successful negotiations to bring a stage of the 1998 Tour de France to Ireland. In 1997, the government was defeated at the general election and Kenny returned to the opposition benches.
John Bruton resigned as leader of Fine Gael in 2001, following a vote of no confidence in his ability. Kenny was one of a number of candidates who stood in the subsequent leadership election, promising to “electrify the party”. In the final ballot it was Michael Noonan who emerged victorious (it is Fine Gael’s custom not to publish ballot results for leadership elections). Noonan subsequently failed to give a spokesperson’s assignment to Kenny; this led him to accuse Noonan of sending a “dangerous message”.
In September 2002, Kenny was accused of making racist remarks after he used the word “nigger” in a joke relating to Patrice Lumumba, the assassinated first Prime Minister of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Kenny wanted the incident to be suppressed, and specifically asked journalists not to cite it, though the Sunday Independent newspaper reported his “chortling repetition of the inflammatory word”. He was subsequently condemned by race campaigners at home and abroad. Matters were made worse when it emerged that several of Lumumba’s relatives, including a son and several grandchildren, lived in Tallaght.
At the 2002 general election, Fine Gael suffered its worst electoral performance ever, losing 23 seats, a figure larger than expected, with its share of the vote down 5%. Kenny himself came close to losing his seat, and even went so far as to prepare a concession speech. In the end he won the third seat in the five-seat constituency. Noonan resigned as Fine Gael leader on the night of the result, an action which triggered another leadership election. Protest meetings were held by members of the party against the speed with which the leadership election had been called and the failure to broaden the franchise to the membership. It was suggested that it was foolish to choose a leader before conducting an electoral post-mortem.
Fine Gael out-performed expectations at the 2004 Local and European elections, which saw Fine Gael increase its representation from 4 MEPs of 15 from Ireland, to 5 from 13. This was the first time Fine Gael had ever defeated Fianna Fáil in a national election, as well as the first time Fianna Fáil had failed to finish first in a national election since its second place in the 1927 general election behind Cumann na nGaedheal, Fine Gael’s immediate predecessor.
In November 2005, Kenny called for the abolition of compulsory Irish for the Leaving Certificate examinations. This was opposed by all the major Irish language organisations. In March 2006, he was elected Vice-President of the European People’s Party (EPP), the largest European political group to which Fine Gael is affiliated. In his speech to the EPP, he stated that Fine Gael would be in government in Ireland within two years.
In July 2005, five men from the north of Kenny’s Mayo constituency were jailed over their opposition to the Fianna Fáil-led government’s plans for the Corrib gas project. One of the men, Philip McGrath, worked for Kenny as an election agent for Rossport during general elections. Unlike his fellow Mayo Fine Gael TD, Michael Ring, Kenny was cautious about backing the men’s stance (Ring would later be forced to adopt the same policy). The Shell to Sea campaign that was founded to help release the men and get the government to change its mind shut down work on the project for fifteen months. When Gardaí were brought in to remove protesters with tactics that saw many hospitalised, Kenny said: “The law must be obeyed.”
During the first half of 2006, Kenny went aggressively after a more populist line on the cost of immigration, street crime, paedophilia and homeowners’ rights. A graphic description of a mugging he had experienced was given to the Dáil, in the context of a crime discussion, only for it to be revealed a day later that the incident had occurred in Kenya, not in Ireland.
Kenny’s leadership attempted to define Fine Gael as a party of the progressive centre. Its policy initiatives concentrated on value for money, consumer rights, civil partnerships, reform of public spending, reward and enterprise and preventative health care policy. The party sought to retake its former mantle as the law-and-order and a party committed to defending the institutions of the state. At the Fine Gael Ardfheis in March 2007, Kenny outlined his platform for the forthcoming general election entitled the “Contract for a Better Ireland”. The main aspects of this “contract” included: 2,300 more hospital beds, 2,000 more Gardaí, tougher jail sentences and tougher bail for criminals, free health insurance for all children under 16 and lower income tax. Bertie Ahern was perceived by many to have comfortably beaten Kenny in the pre-election Leaders’ debate. When the votes were counted it emerged that Fine Gael had made large gains, increasing its number of seats by twenty, to give a total of 51 seats in the new Dáil. However, Labour and the Greens failed to make gains, leaving Kenny’s “Alliance for Change” short of a majority. Despite predictions to the contrary, the Fianna Fáil vote recovered sufficiently to bring it to 78 seats, and a third term in government for Ahern.
Under Kenny, Fine Gael agreed to enter a pre-election pact with the Labour Party, to offer the electorate an alternative coalition government at the 2007 general election held on 24 May 2007. The so-called Mullingar Accord was agreed in September 2004, following the European and local elections that year. The Green Party also signalled via the media to be in favour of membership of such a coalition government after the election. However, it would not commit to an agreement before polling day.
Kenny’s tenure as Taoiseach was dominated by the introduction of austerity policies in the aftermath of the economic recession. These policies began under the previous Fianna Fáil government in 2008, and continued for much of his first term. Overall, the impact of these budgets has been described as not conforming to “either a progressive pattern (losses increasing with income) or regressive pattern (losses declining with income)” by the Economic and Social Research Institute.
In December 2008, Vincent Browne criticised Kenny in The Irish Times for not having a grasp of the issues, notably of economic issues.
Responding to the banking crisis in County Cork, on 15 February 2009, Kenny asked the entire board of the Central Bank of Ireland’s Financial Regulation section to resign.
The motion of confidence in Kenny was passed. He announced a major reshuffle of his party’s front bench on 1 July 2010, re-appointing Bruton, Coveney, O’Dowd, and Varadkar.
Following the failure of the party’s deputy leader Richard Bruton to support him, he was dismissed by Kenny on 14 June 2010. He also tabled a motion of confidence in his leadership, to be held on 17 June 2010. On the following day it was revealed that nine members of the Fine Gael frontbench did not have confidence in Kenny to lead their party – composed of Simon Coveney, Denis Naughten, Olwyn Enright, Olivia Mitchell, Fergus O’Dowd, Michael Creed, Billy Timmins, Leo Varadkar and Brian Hayes. Denis Naughten said frontbench members did not have Kenny’s support and would like him to withdraw his motion of confidence and stand down in the interest of the party.
An opinion poll published in The Irish Times on 10 June 2010 triggered a challenge to Kenny’s leadership of the party. The Ipsos MRBI poll indicated that the Labour Party had become the most popular political party in the country for the first time, and also showed a drop in backing for Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael, and for their leaders. It showed a five-point drop in Fianna Fáil support since January 2010, leaving that party on 17%, Fine Gael down four points to 28%, and Labour up eight points to 32%. Satisfaction with Kenny’s leadership dropped 7% to 24%.
Kenny gave a televised address to the nation on 4 December 2011, ahead of the delivery of the 2012 Irish budget. He warned that Budget 2012 “will be tough”, and that “it has to be”. He also said that it would move Ireland towards a manageable deficit of 3% of GDP by 2015. This was only the sixth time that a Taoiseach had addressed the nation, reflecting the gravity of the Irish economic condition, in what Kenny stressed were “exceptional” circumstances. The broadcast was the second-most watched television programme of 2011 in Ireland, attracting an audience of 1.2 million viewers.
On 20 July 2011, Kenny condemned the Vatican for its role in the scandal, stating that the Church’s role in obstructing the investigation was a serious infringement upon the sovereignty of Ireland and that the scandal revealed “the dysfunction, disconnection and elitism that dominates the culture of the Vatican to this day”. He added that “the historic relationship between church and state in Ireland could not be the same again”.
On 20 July 2011, Kenny condemned the Vatican for its role in the scandal, stating that the Church’s role in obstructing the investigation was a serious infringement upon the sovereignty of Ireland and that the scandal revealed “the dysfunction, disconnection and elitism that dominates the culture of the Vatican to this day”. He added that “the historic relationship between church and state in Ireland could not be the same again”.
On 3 May 2011, Kenny’s government approved a set of political reforms that adhered to promises he had made in the general election. Among the approved reforms were a binding Constituency Commission scheduled for June 2011, with the specific purpose of reducing the number of TDs by up to 20; an act to establish a six-month time limit for holding by-elections to the Dáil; a €750,000 spending limit in the 2011 presidential election; legislation to ban corporate donations, to be enacted by summer 2011; establishment of a Constitutional Convention in 2011, which was to include discussion of the Seanad; and a referendum on the abolition of the Seanad, to be held in the second half of 2012. The promise to cut up to 20 TDs caused some controversy and scepticism, due to the Constitutional requirement that there be no less than one TD for every 30,000 people, which would necessitate a minimum of 150 TDs—meaning that the current number of 166 TDs could be reduced by 16 at most.
On 9 May 2011, Kenny’s government announced a new job creation program, along with plan to finance it via a 0.6% tax levy on private pension savings. Public pension funds, however, would remain untouched. The pension levy caused an immediate and intense outcry, leaving Kenny to defend the initiative as “a modest proposal” and refuting charges that the government would next tax personal savings. However, the controversy surrounding the levy intensified on 12 May 2011, when Kenny admitted that the holders of Approved Retirement Funds—most of whom were among the highest income earners in Ireland—would not be included in the levy.
On 21 July 2011, Kenny announced that an agreement had been reached by Eurozone leaders to reduce Ireland’s interest rate by 2% and extend the repayment period.
What's Enda Kenny Net Worth 2024
Net Worth (2024) | $1 Million (Approx.) |
Net Worth (2023) | Under Review |
Net Worth (2022) | Under Review |
Net Worth (2021) | Under Review |
Net Worth (2020) | Under Review |
Enda Kenny Family
Father's Name | Not Available |
Mother's Name | Not Available |
Siblings | Not Available |
Spouse | Not Available |
Childrens | Not Available |